The European Union is currently under pressure from two major powers. On the one hand, Russia continues its offensive in Ukraine, with no prospect of negotiations to end the war. President Vladimir Putin has labelled Europe an “enemy”. On the other hand, the United States Government, the hegemonic leader of Euro-Atlantic defence for decades, states in its new National Security Strategy that the European Union (EU) and its Member States are experiencing a state of “civilisational crisis”.
According to President Trump, Europe’s decline is the result of EU regulations, migration flows and the censorship of so-called “patriotic” political parties (that is, the far right). Washington no longer behaves as an ally: it pressures the EU through tariff threats, rejects regulatory frameworks for United States digital companies, and withdraws from its security commitments.
This dual pressure seeks not merely to weaken but to fracture the EU, undermining national democratic systems and European supranational cooperation. This is taking place at a moment when Europe is already engaged in a profound reflection on its future. As Enrico Letta has written: “The EU must use Trump as an external catalyst to make the qualitative leap it urgently needs. Europe must strengthen its autonomy and become an actor capable not only of reacting, but of acting with vision and determination.”
Europe’s response should not be inward-looking alone — in terms of consolidating and developing technological, industrial, financial and security capacities, as well as strengthening citizens’ welfare and democratic systems — but should also include the strengthening and exploration of new relationships worldwide, in particular with the so-called Global South.
This effort should not be limited to identifying alternative trade partners for access to natural resources and markets. It should instead aim at building alliances around democratic systems of governance and the joint, cooperative management of shared challenges, including the fight against the environmental crisis; North–South agreements on migration; and legal and law-enforcement cooperation to combat organised crime, tax evasion and international money laundering.
Joint action between North and South also requires strengthening the legal frameworks of international law and cooperating in the creation of new rules tailored to emerging challenges, such as artificial intelligence.
The rise of the Global South is one of the most significant developments in international relations over the past two decades. Since 2003, a number of regional powers have established new alliances, criticised the dominance of the most powerful countries of the North, and called for reforms in the functioning and governance of the multilateral system.
These demands focus on the rules and practices of international trade; on questioning the dominance of the dollar in commercial exchanges; on the management of external debt; and on reforming the multilateral system, the United Nations and international financial institutions. They also address climate change policies; intellectual property rights and universal access to scientific knowledge; and the demand for respect for international law and standards on human rights violations.
In parallel, governments of the Global South are cooperating in areas such as digital and technological transformation to reduce the North–South divide; the transition towards sustainable models of production; “de-dollarisation”; the renegotiation of external debt linked to ecological transformation; food and health security; and mediation in armed conflicts. These initiatives are framed within the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda.
In developing new relations with countries of the Global South, three issues deserve particular attention. First, Europe must engage in dialogue free from the inertia — still present in many cases — of the colonial era. This should be a dialogue among equals, addressing shared challenges such as the crisis of democracy, and common needs in areas including health, education and security.
Second, international law and multilateralism must be strengthened as essential reference frameworks to ensure that relations between states are predictable, consensual and universal.
Third, multilateralism itself must be democratised: societies must be able to participate in deliberations about their role in the world, across all social sectors. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has called for an “inclusive multilateralism”. This is the path that should be followed.
In a world where domestic and international policies are increasingly intertwined, parliaments, sub-national authorities (cities and local governments), civil society, religious organisations, universities, trade unions, the private sector, women and young people must all be represented. All should have a voice in shaping the relationship between local, regional, national and global governance. If such a dialogue is established between actors from Europe and the Global South, it will open the way to unprecedented forms of transnational democracy.
——————— Juan José Álvarez and Mariano Aguirre Ernst are, respectively, Director and Coordinator of the project “Europe and the Global South from a Sub-State Perspective”, at the eAtlantic Foundation.
“Europe must explore a new relationship with the Global South” Mariano Aguirre Ernst and Juan José Álvarez
The European Union is currently under pressure from two major powers. On the one hand, Russia continues its offensive in Ukraine, with no prospect of negotiations to end the war. President Vladimir Putin has labelled Europe an “enemy”. On the other hand, the United States Government, the hegemonic leader of Euro-Atlantic defence for decades, states in its new National Security Strategy that the European Union (EU) and its Member States are experiencing a state of “civilisational crisis”.
According to President Trump, Europe’s decline is the result of EU regulations, migration flows and the censorship of so-called “patriotic” political parties (that is, the far right). Washington no longer behaves as an ally: it pressures the EU through tariff threats, rejects regulatory frameworks for United States digital companies, and withdraws from its security commitments.
This dual pressure seeks not merely to weaken but to fracture the EU, undermining national democratic systems and European supranational cooperation. This is taking place at a moment when Europe is already engaged in a profound reflection on its future. As Enrico Letta has written: “The EU must use Trump as an external catalyst to make the qualitative leap it urgently needs. Europe must strengthen its autonomy and become an actor capable not only of reacting, but of acting with vision and determination.”
Europe’s response should not be inward-looking alone — in terms of consolidating and developing technological, industrial, financial and security capacities, as well as strengthening citizens’ welfare and democratic systems — but should also include the strengthening and exploration of new relationships worldwide, in particular with the so-called Global South.
This effort should not be limited to identifying alternative trade partners for access to natural resources and markets. It should instead aim at building alliances around democratic systems of governance and the joint, cooperative management of shared challenges, including the fight against the environmental crisis; North–South agreements on migration; and legal and law-enforcement cooperation to combat organised crime, tax evasion and international money laundering.
Joint action between North and South also requires strengthening the legal frameworks of international law and cooperating in the creation of new rules tailored to emerging challenges, such as artificial intelligence.
The rise of the Global South is one of the most significant developments in international relations over the past two decades. Since 2003, a number of regional powers have established new alliances, criticised the dominance of the most powerful countries of the North, and called for reforms in the functioning and governance of the multilateral system.
These demands focus on the rules and practices of international trade; on questioning the dominance of the dollar in commercial exchanges; on the management of external debt; and on reforming the multilateral system, the United Nations and international financial institutions. They also address climate change policies; intellectual property rights and universal access to scientific knowledge; and the demand for respect for international law and standards on human rights violations.
In parallel, governments of the Global South are cooperating in areas such as digital and technological transformation to reduce the North–South divide; the transition towards sustainable models of production; “de-dollarisation”; the renegotiation of external debt linked to ecological transformation; food and health security; and mediation in armed conflicts. These initiatives are framed within the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda.
In developing new relations with countries of the Global South, three issues deserve particular attention. First, Europe must engage in dialogue free from the inertia — still present in many cases — of the colonial era. This should be a dialogue among equals, addressing shared challenges such as the crisis of democracy, and common needs in areas including health, education and security.
Second, international law and multilateralism must be strengthened as essential reference frameworks to ensure that relations between states are predictable, consensual and universal.
Third, multilateralism itself must be democratised: societies must be able to participate in deliberations about their role in the world, across all social sectors. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has called for an “inclusive multilateralism”. This is the path that should be followed.
In a world where domestic and international policies are increasingly intertwined, parliaments, sub-national authorities (cities and local governments), civil society, religious organisations, universities, trade unions, the private sector, women and young people must all be represented. All should have a voice in shaping the relationship between local, regional, national and global governance. If such a dialogue is established between actors from Europe and the Global South, it will open the way to unprecedented forms of transnational democracy.
———————
Juan José Álvarez and Mariano Aguirre Ernst are, respectively, Director and Coordinator of the project “Europe and the Global South from a Sub-State Perspective”, at the eAtlantic Foundation.